The verb ḫmr in Thamudic B

Twitter user @Alsarem_15 (Mamdūḥ al-Fāḍil) recently posted a Thamudic B inscription with an interesting prayer.

source

The short text reads:

h rḍw ḫmr ly

The inscription attests for the first time the verb ḫmr in Thamudic B in an unambiguous context. The verb should be compared to Ancient South Arabian ḫmr 'to grant', for example:

BR-M. Bayḥān 3

w-l-ḫmr-hw ʾlmqh s²rḥ l-hw yd-hw

may ʾlmqh grant him safety for him of his hand

Thus, in the present inscription, ḫmr should be understood as 'to grant', with a gapped object, likely a boon. I would suggest the following translation.

'O Ruḍaw, grant me (a boon).'

Note also the spelling of the prepositional phrase 'to me' as ly. The graphic notation of the first person singular suffix with y indicates that it is consonantal, as matres lectionis (vowel letters) were not employed in Thamudic B. This, in turn, suggests the pronunciation /liya/.

A Thamudic D inscription from Ranyah

 Twitter user @Salhimeel has recently published a Thamudic D inscription from the region of Ranyah.

Source

The vertical text reads:

drm ḥbb bnt nqm 

Drm loves the daughter of Nqm

Amorous texts such as these are very common in the Thamudic D script type. It is impossible to date this text in precise terms, but one Thamudic D text is dated by association with a Nabataean inscription to 267 CE. It remains unclear how early Thamudic D texts can date or when the script eventually went extinct. 

Loss of case inflection in a Paleo-Arabic inscription

 The Twitter user @mashalgrad published a newly documented Paleo-Arabic text from the region of Nagrān:

Source

Reading: حمدو بر ابو مراه

Interpretation: Ḥāmid-w son of Abū Mrʾh

Commentary: The name ḥāmid is well attested in the Arabic onomasticon; it is attested for the first time in the Paleo-Arabic corpus here with wawation. Mrʾh, however, is rare, but is attested as a male anthroponym over 30 times in the Safaitic corpus as mrʾt. In terms of orthography, it is notable that the glottal stop is spelled with the alif, indicating that the phoneme was preserved, in contrast to its loss in Old Ḥigāzī. The spelling of the glottal stop with alif has been previously attested in the Paleo-Arabic inscriptions of Ḥimà. 

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The short text is impossible to date in precise terms. Paleographically, it fits between the late 5th and early 7th centuries CE. What it does demonstrate, however, is that the local dialect of Arabic in this period seems to have lost case inflection, as the word ʾabū should be inflected in the genitive as ʾabī <ʾby>. The loss of inflection in the word ʾbw has been previously observed in Nabataeo-Arabic from Northwest Arabia.

dkyr bpnw br

ʾbw ypny 

'May Bpnw son of Abū Ypny be remembered' (Reading: Laïla Nehmé)

There is one caveat in the case of UJadhNab 222: the author may have been writing in Aramaic, as suggested by the use of the participle dkyr, and therefore did not inflect Arabic names in an Aramaic linguistic context, similar to how English speakers do not inflect Latin loanwords for case when writing in English. However, in the current Paleo-Arabic text, there is no reason to assume that our author was composing an Aramaic inscription; the use of the Aramaeogram <br> for 'son' continues well into the Islamic period and does not imply any sort of code switching. Thus, the inscription strongly suggests that the local dialect of Arabic had lost case inflection, in contrast to Old Ḥigāzī, as attested in the Quranic Consonantal Text, which preserves the inflection of the "five nouns." This, in turn, demonstrates that  case inflection had begun to disappear in pre-Islamic Peninsular Arabic dialects as well, and not only in the Arabic of northwest Arabia (see the Petra Papryi: https://www.academia.edu/37215697/Al_Jallad_2018_The_Arabic_of_Petra), foreshadowing the linguistic situation attested in the Arabic of the Islamic conquests, as described here: https://www.academia.edu/24938389/Al_Jallad_2017_The_Arabic_of_the_Islamic_Conquests_Notes_on_Phonology_and_Morphology_based_on_the_Greek_Transcriptions_from_the_First_Islamic_Century.

ʾns as 'people' or a time period? Remarks on GBW 2 (Al-Ghul 2021)

Professor al-Ghul has recently published an excellent treatment of four new Safaitic inscriptions from Birak al-Wisād (Jordan) in Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy: DOI: 10.1111/aae.12172. 

These texts contain some new lexical items and expressions that are difficult to interpret. Here, I wish to make a few remarks on the term ʾns that occurs in GBW 2. Al-Ghul reads and translates the text as follows:

Transliteration

l ys¹lm bn ġṯ ḏ ʾl ʾty w wrd h-nhy s¹nt brḥ wrṯn h-rm w ḏkr ns¹r w ʾlhh w wrd h-ʾwl ʾns¹

Translation

"By Ys¹lm son of Ġṯ of the lineage of ʾty. And he went down to the pool, the year Wrṯn left to h-Rm. And he remembered Ns¹r and ʾlhh. And he went down to the water as the first of (all) people"

Prof. al-Ghul cautiously suggests the translation of wrd h-ʾwl ʾns¹ as 'he went down to the water as the first of people', which would be a literal translation of the words as attested previously in Safaitic. While grammatically possible, it is unclear to me what such a sentence would mean. And so I wish to suggest an alternative interpretation and translation, which may be confirmed or disqualified by the discovery of new texts. 

The verb wrd 'to go down/to water' is often configured with temporal phrases, months, seasons, time periods. I would submit that ʾns¹, perhaps to be vocalized as ʾanīs, refers to a period of habitation or perhaps even larger, seasonal tribal gatherings. The use of ʾanīs to refer to the occupation of a certain site is attested, for example, in the Muʿallaqah of Labīd:

دِمَنٌ تَجَـرَّمَ بَعْدَ عَهْدِ أَنِيسِهَـا

حِجَـجٌ خَلَونَ حَلالُهَا وَحَرامُهَا

"traces (of a site) abandoned after its time of habitation

entire years desolate, both sacred and profane months"

I would therefore suggest re-parsing the clause as: wrd-h ʾwl ʾns¹ 'he went down to it (i.e. the pool, mentioned earlier in the text) at the beginning of the period of ʾns¹', where this period refers to the time when tribes gather together and settle around bodies of water. Now, there are some indications that ʾns could be understood as a time period in the published corpus of inscriptions. Let's see: 

WH 3730

w ẓlm f h rḍy wqyt m-bʾs¹ ʾns¹ w ġnmt m- s²nʾ

'he suffered oppression so O Roḍay protect from the affliction of ʾns and let him have spoil from enemies'

In this case, the understanding of ʾns is ambiguous. It could be taken as a time period, perhaps a dry season in light of GWB 2, or simply the generic noun 'man'. 

ASFF 229

rʿy h-ʾnḫl b-qmr h-ʾns¹y

'he pastured the valleys during the moon/month of ʾns¹y'

I have previously suggested¹ that ʾns¹y should be perhaps understood as Virgo and/or the month corresponding to it. Incidentally, this would be a period in the summer where tribes would have to gather at places of water. 

References

ASFF = Inscriptions gathered by S. Abbadi and published on OCIANA.

WH = Winnett, F.V. & Harding, G.L. Inscriptions from Fifty Safaitic Cairns. (Near and Middle East Series, 9). Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978.

¹Al-Jallad, A. 2016. Ancient Arabian Zodiac II. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 27: 84 – 106, pg. 95.

Is a cognate of Classical Arabic "ǧanaza" attested in Hismaic?

Sadaqah et al. have recently published a new collection of Hismaic inscriptions from Wadi Umm Ṭulayḥa, Jordan in the Jordan Journal For History and Archaeology Volume 51, No. 3, 2021. In the longest text of this panel, the editors identified a verb gnz, which they translate as 'to collect/gather up', viewing it as a loan from Gəʿəz and South Arabian. The following is a photograph of the inscription from the original article and their reading.

If correct, then the verb could provide important evidence for linguistic contact between Safaitic and southern Semitic languages at some point in its pre-history. But a closer inspection of the photograph shows that gnz is a phantom. The medial letter, which is a straight line, may hold the value of n in Safaitic but in Hismaic, and in this particular hand, the n is a simple dot. 

Image 2: The alleged gnz

Image 3: The word bn, where the n is a dot

Rather, the straight line in Hismaic has the value of ś, that is s² = ش.  The word the editors took as gnz is in fact gśz. Now, gśz is clearly not a word, but we need not commit ourselves to the way the editors parsed the phrase. Hismaic does not employ any markers of word boundaries - these must be inferred by the reader. I would suggest that the g and ś should be read together as a single word, and then the remaining letters would form the final word of the inscription. These correctly read produce zmlt, contra the reading of the original edition, namely, mbnt. What the original editors took as a b is clearly a l once compared with the other l's of the inscription. What caused the editors to take it as a b is a stray line intersecting with the bottom end of the letter, perhaps an over-extension while carving, a slip of the blade, so to speak. The mark they took as an n appears to be a stray bit of damage, part of the same damage pattern that affects the shaft of the l as well. 

Image 4: zmlt

Image 5: ʾl

Now, the name zmlt has been previously attested in Hismaic (AMJ 143). The dating component of this text would therefore be snt gś zmlt 'the year of the troop of Zmlt', perhaps referring to when an individual or group called zmlt went to war. Similar modes of dating are attested in Safaitic, usually using ḥrb 'war' rather than a reference to the troop itself. 

There are a few other places where I would suggest a different reading than the original editors. I give my reading of the text below. With the exception of the dating formula and the corrected readings of the names, I follow the interpretation of the original editors. 

l ḏky bn śr ḏ ʾl ʾbt w dṯʾ snt gś zmlt

'By ḏky son of śr of the lineage of ʾbt and he spent the season of the later rains (here) the year of the troop of Zmlt'

ḏky: The name the editors suggested ḏġny is unattested and does not seem to come from a known root. What they read as ġ is more likely a k. They also took a stray mark as a n. The name ḏky 'clever' is well attested in Ancient North Arabian and has previously appeared in Hismaic, e.g. KJC 179. 

śr: The original reading was produced by mistaking stray marks for letters. A small bit of damage before the name was taken as a n, and a stray marking intersecting with the straight line ś caused its confusion with s. The name śr 'evil' is also well attested in Ancient North Arabian. It is possible that the name could be read as śb, but in general the b is less compact in the present author's hand.

ʾbt: The name of the lineage group is likely ʾbt rather than ʾġt. There is some damage on the stone that motivated the latter reading, but looking at it closely the original letter seems to be a bow. If indeed this damage is part of the letter - it is impossible to be certain from the published photographs, then it would produce the name ʾkt. Both of these names are previously attested. 

To conclude, this short, seasonal text does not offer us any lexical connection with South Arabia or Ethiopic. Rather, it is in line with the type of dating formulae employed mainly in Safaitic, where years could be known by major events they witnessed. In this case, the formation of a troop perhaps under the command of a man called Zmlt was a remarkable enough to use to date one's text.

Bibliography:

Sadaqah, I.S., Tarawneh, M.B., Abudanah, F. 2021. "A Sort of Sepulchral Construction in Wadi Umm Ṭulayḥa, Southeastern Badia, Jordan?"  Jordan Journal For History and Archaeology Volume 51, No. 3: 97-109.

AJC, KJC = King, G.M.H. 1990. Early North Arabian Thamudic E. A preliminary description based on a new corpus of inscriptions from the Ḥismā desert of southern Jordan and published material. Ph.D thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

A pre-Islamic Arabian graffito in a crypt in Rome?

In a recent article entitled Un problematico graffito nella cripta onoriana dei ss. Marcellino e Pietro, Professor A.E. Felle published a two line graffito from a 7th c. Christian martyrial sanctuary in a Roman catacomb in a curious script resembling Ancient South Arabian or Ancient North Arabian. 

Prof. M. Arbach, a leading expert in the epigraphy of Ancient South Arabia, and Prof. E. Peuch, a distinguished specialist of Northwest Semitic epigraphy, provided very preliminary readings of these difficult texts assuming they are inscribed in an Arabian script, given below. 

Reading of Professor Arbach

Before attempting a reading of such an inscription, one must isolate the script type. This is extremely difficult, given the provenance and the very late date. As far as we know, no North Arabian alphabets continued to be in use this late, but the Ancient South Arabian script survives well into the Islamic period. However, as both authors recognize, the letter shapes do not correspond with that alphabet; rather, if we assume a South Semitic identification, then they would appear to be a very poorly carved Ancient North Arabian variety. And herein lies the danger. There is so much variation within the Ancient North Arabian script types that, with the entire letter repertoire at our free disposal, one risks being able to read even natural damage on a rock as an inscription. Before venturing down that path of speculation, I would like to make a suggestion on the relationship between the two lines of text. Both editors read these as containing different content, taking what I think was damage as deliberate carvings. Rather, it seems to me that both lines contain the same text. Let me explain. The areas traced in red appear to be damage or etchings not associated with the original texts. On the first line, what was read as an r in fact extends through the diamond-shaped letter to its right; the tracing suggests that the half circle is distinct from the damage, but they appear connected to me. On the second line, the first letter (reading left to right) appears to be a diamond with wings, resembling a Greek Alpha. But I think it is simply the same shape as the first letter (reading right to left) on the first line, the diamond. The penultimate letter on the second line, the bow, is in fact carved much more deeply and is thicker and spaced much more closely to the adjacent letter. I wonder if this was perhaps a pre-existing symbol on the rock or a later addition. Once we remove these irregularities, we end up with the same text, written twice. 

Below I suggest a new reading. It is phoneme neutral, meaning I will just give the glyph shapes - or their approximates in the Ancient South Arabian Unicode script. 

𐩥𐩲𐩾𐩻𐩥𐩽𐩰

𐩥𐩲𐩾𐩻𐩥𐩽𐩰

The two lines encode the same text, but what do they mean? The symbols 𐩲𐩾 can stand for numerals in the Ancient South Arabian script, 10 and 50, respectively, but no date seems apparent here (note 𐩾 is facing towards the right in the inscription itself). The glyph 𐩰 is a f in the Ancient South Arabian script, but could be read as a g in Safaitic. The 𐩽 has many values: it is a numeral in ASA, 1, an n in Safaitic, a š in Hismaic, an r in Thamudic D.  With so many potential values, a creative researcher can make this text say anything. And this underscores a methodological issue: the Ancient North Arabian alphabets are not a grab bag of letter shapes that can be used freely so long as they help in producing meaning from a text (to be clear, the original editors did not do this, but it is something common in the readings of other potential Arabian inscriptions from outside Arabia). They reflect discrete scripts and so if one value is assumed for a specific letter, the rest of the phonemic values of that script type must be assigned to remaining glyphs of an inscription. So then, we can experiment with different script types to see what comes up. 

Safaitic: 𐩥𐩲𐩾𐩻𐩥𐩽𐩰

gnwṯyʿw

Ancient South Arabian: 𐩥𐩲𐩾𐩻𐩥𐩽𐩰

wʿyṯw1f (right to left) 

f1wṯyʿw (left to right)

Thamudic B: 𐩥𐩲𐩾𐩻𐩥𐩽𐩰

fnwṯyʿw

Hismaic: 𐩥𐩲𐩾𐩻𐩥𐩽𐩰

?śwgyʿw

Now, of these the Safaitic solution makes most sense. We can see in it perhaps the writing of two names: gn and (= w) ṯyʿw. The first name is attested but the latter isn't. And it would be extremely strange for an inscription to begin without the lām auctōris, l-, the letter that begins the vast majority of Safaitic texts. The Thamudic B possibility is also intriguing - it could be read as fnw 'died' and tyʿw, an unattested personal name (?). The problem with this, however, is that Thamudic B is attested in the middle of the first millennium BCE! And there is no evidence that it continues as late as the 4th c. CE, much less the 7th. And even so, its contents don't seem to match the context of this crypt. 

The Thamudic B example helps us highlight an important point. Just because we can make a text say something meaningful, in the broadest sense, doesn't mean that that is what the text actually says. Indeed, despite the somewhat sensible translation, a Thamudic B reading seems extremely unlikely if not impossible considering the chronology. And while Safaitic remains within the realm of possibility, the Thamudic B example should caution us from identifying these texts as Safaitic. For now, I believe these symbols must remain a mystery. We can conclude with a quote of Prof. Arbach from his section of the article:

"Cependant, si on considère cette inscription comme étant d’écriture arabique,

comme le souhaite le Professeur A. E. Felle, ce qui reste à prouver, on aurait ici,

pour la première fois, un texte rédigé en alphabet thamoudéen/safaïtique, de surcroît

trouvé à Rome et daté du milieu du VIIe-IXe siècle de l’ère chrétienne, alors que

les spécialistes tendent à considérer que l’écriture safaïtique n’était plus en usage

depuis les IVe-Ve siècle de l’ère chrétienne."

Bibliography 

Felle, E. with A. Arbach and E. Peuch. 2021. Un problematico graffito nella cripta onoriana dei ss. Marcellino e Pietro. RIVISTA DI ARCHEOLOGIA CRISTIANA 97: pp. 115-131.

https://ricerca.uniba.it/handle/11586/355683#.YJr1yrVKiuU